Graduate Institute of Labor Research, National Chengchi University

公營銀行原為我國金融體系之主軸，隨著金融自由化與國際化的推動，民營化遂成為公營銀行不得不面對的進程。證諸國內外民營化經驗，主導民營化成效之關鍵因素為員工問題，員工對民營化之認知與態度應予以關注。然而，相關實證研究對公營銀行較少涉及，爰有深入探討之必要。因此，本文目的即在探討公營銀行員工對民營化之認知與態度，以及員工屬性、認知與態度間之差異性與關聯性，俾做為管理決策之參考。

根據研究發現，部分員工屬性如性別、學歷、年資及職等對於民營化之認知或態度有顯著性影響；其次，員工對民營化的認知會影響其對民營化的態度；此外，民營化認知傾向不同的員工，在部分員工屬性如性別與學歷或民營化態度上有顯著性差異。

Public-owned banks had been the fundamental to the banking system in Taiwan. Nevertheless, due to the banking liberalization and internationalization, privatization has become both opportunity and threat to public-owned banks.Referring to privatization experience domestically and internationally, there is no doubt that how employees feel about privatization would be the key factor to the success or failure of privatization. Accordingly, it would be important to understand employee recognition of and attitude toward privatization if it was intended to carry out privatization policy successfully.Therefore, the major objective of this essay is to explore employee recognition of and attitude toward privatization of a public-owned bank and also the correlation between employee characteristics and employee recognition of and attitude toward privatization.

Based upon the research findings, such employee characteristics as gender, educational attainment, seniority and job ranking are significantly correlated with employee recognition of and attitude toward privatization. In addition, employee recognition of privatization is significantly correlated with employee attitude toward privatization.

就歐美先進國家而言，大抵上均有法定的最低工資規定。以英國為例，雖然曾基於產業自治原則，由勞資雙方自行以團體協約規定其最低工資，惟並未發生作用。一九九八年的「國家最低工資法」遂放棄與團體協約的連結，單純以國家法律創設一最低的標準。該法融合了經濟效益與社會正義，企業落實工作的尊嚴(dignity of work)、拉近男女勞工間的薪資差距。值得注意的是，「國家最低工資法」人的適用範圍非常廣泛，包括臨時工及派遣勞工、家內勞動者均在其適用之列。而且該法係一般地適用於英國境內所有行業別、職業、勞工，屬於「單一最低工資制度」。

再就德國而言，由於傳統上採取團體協約自治及國家中立原則，因此至今大體上仍奉行由工會與雇主協商工資及其他勞動條件之政策。一九五二年的最低勞動條件法在實務上並無任何重要性，而其他的法律，如家內勞動法、職業訓練法、團體協約法上之團體協約一般性拘束力宣告，甚至一九九六年之越境勞工派赴條例，其適用對象均相當有限，與英國「最低國家工資法」可適用於所有行業、勞工並無法比擬。換言之，對於最低工資之確定，團體協約具有優先性，而最低工資法令(尤其是越境勞工派赴條例)只具有補充性。即如團體協約(在一些行業)所約定之工資過低，甚至已無法達到確保勞工生存所必要之額度時，即應以加以救濟，而以最低工資加以救濟，即屬於其方式之一。

Generally speaking, minimum wage is largely decretory in the advanced Western countries. For example, in the United Kingdom, on the basis of industrial autonomy, labor and capital parties once agreed voluntarily to stipulate a minimum wage in the collective agreement; however, it was ineffective. In 1998, the National Minimum Wage Act simply instituted a minimum wage by the national law, abandoning its connection with collective agreement. The Act integrated economic benefit and social justice, enabling enterprises to fulfilling the dignity of work and narrowing wage differences between male and female workers. It was particularly noteworthy that the National Minimum Wage Act was applicable to a wide range of workers, including part-time, short term, dispatched and household workers. Moreover, the Act constituted a unitary minimum wage system generally applicable to all industries, occupations, workers in the United Kingdom.

基於二OO四至二OO六年進行的針對1,811個企業工會主席的問卷調查資料，本文主要研究在市場化改革的背景下，中國工會的角色和身份。本文有以下幾個主要判斷：第一，工會組建和工會主席的選舉在黨的領導下有控制地進行；第二，工會內部民主有了一些新的跡象和做法，會員對工會組織功能定位的影響力和約束力有所增強；第三，維護勞工權益已成為企業工會的基本職責，集體談判、職工民主參與、勞動爭議調解等適應市場經濟要求的維權機制正在建立與完善，工會對會員的服務功能得到增強；第四，企業公會的社會參與邁出了新的步伐，這使它能夠通過內部與外部的各種資源來提升自己的地位，謀求自身的發展。本文認為，工會維權功能的強化，既與工會組織民主化和群眾化的努力有關，更是國家要求工會維護政治穩定、社會穩定與促進工人階級隊伍穩定的結果。向市場經濟轉型至今，工會在國家、企業與勞工之間，扮演著極為複雜的多重角色。工會不僅是經濟利益矛盾的產物，正是政治博弈的工具，必須結合中國的政治與經濟制度，才能準確把握它在現階段的定位和作用。